Ut fra Fisk sin artikkel ser det ut til at det ikke er noen
tvil om at det var NATOs bomber som drepte folk. Fisk hevder at flere
fly må ha vært med på dette - i motsetning til NATO som sier at det var
_en_ pilot som begikk det fatale angrepet.
Når det er sagt: Tviler noen på at dette VAR en feiltagelse? Eller mener
noen at NATO har som militær strategi å bombe kosovo-albanske sivile?
Trond Andresen
>This atrocity is still a mystery to
> Nato. Perhaps I can help...
>
> By Robert Fisk
>
> When you stand at the site of a massacre, two
> things happen. First, you wonder about the depths
> of the human spirit. And then you ask yourself how
> many lies can be told about it. The highway of death
> between Prizren and Djakovica - on which the Serbs
> say Nato slaughtered 74 Kosovo Albanian refugees
> in a series of bombing raids - is no different.
>
> Only hours after I slipped on a dead man's torso
> near an old Turkish bridge, less than a day after I
> stood by the body of a young and beautiful girl - her
> eyes gently staring at me between half-closed lids,
> the bottom half of her head bathed in blood - I
> watched James Shea, Nato's spokesman, trying to
> explain yesterday why Nato still didn't know what
> had happened on Wednesday.
>
> All those torn and mangled bodies I had just seen -
> the old man ripped in half and blasted into a tree at
> Gradis, the smouldering skeleton with one bloody,
> still flesh-adhering foot over the back of a trailer at
> Terezick Most, the dead, naked man slouched over
> the steering wheel of a burnt tractor - all, apparently,
> were a mystery to Nato. So perhaps The
> Independent can help clear up this unhappy state of
> affairs with some evidence - damning perhaps,
> certainly important - from the scene.
>
> But first a pause, to reflect on atrocities. The Serbs
> are "ethnically cleansing" Kosovo. It is a war crime.
> If Nato massacred the 74 Albanians, the Serbs have
> killed many more. On Thursday, I saw four buses in
> Kosovo packed with terrified Albanian women and
> children and old men, black curtains at the windows
> of the buses in an attempt to hide their presence.
> And at a square in the otherwise deserted town of
> Pozeranje, near Urosevac, I passed at least 200
> pathetic Kosovo Albanians, exhausted, frightened,
> carrying plastic bags of clothes and battered holdalls,
> the old women in scarves, the young women
> clutching children to their bosoms, the old men
> wearing black berets; all were standing tightly
> together for protection, like animals.
>
> They were waiting for another bus, I suppose - and,
> not for the first time these past three weeks, I
> thought of other scenes, in Eastern Europe just over
> half a century ago. At Pozeranje, I was seeing these
> poor people - for a few seconds only, from a vehicle
> window - at the very moment of their dispossession,
> on the very day of their "cleansing", within hours of
> their arrival among the flotsam of humanity along the
> Serbian border 12 miles away It was a wickedness I
> saw, the very moment of evil. When I drove through
> Pozeranje again yesterday, it was empty save for
> four horses running lose on the main road.
>
> So why dwell on the 74 dead Kosovo Albanians
> whose remains have been left in such indignity along
> the Prizren-Djakovica road? Because the Serbs
> wanted us to see them? Because Nato was already
> embarrassed by the Serb claims of their slaughter?
> Because it "evens the balance" - it does not -
> between Serbia and its enemies?
>
> No, I suspect that the road of death and its terrible
> corpses is a challenge not to Nato's propaganda but
> to its morality. Nato, we are repeatedly told,
> represents "us", the good moral, decent people who
> oppose lies and murder. So Nato has a case to
> answer - for all our sakes. And the evidence lies on
> that awful road with its eviscerated people and its
> bomb craters.
>
> Nato "thinks" it bombed a tractor on a road north of
> Djakovica. Indeed, Nato's military spokesman would
> say yesterday only that is was "possibly" a tractor.
> Mr Shea - or "Jamie" as he enjoins us to call him -
> says he is still trying to find out what happened to
> the 74 refugees. Nato needs more time, he tells us,
> to assess what it bombed and did not bomb.
>
> Well perhaps I can help Jamie to speed up his
> enquiries. Of the four air-strike locations, I have
> visited the first three - at Velika Krusa, Gradis and
> Terzick Most - and they run consecutively from east
> to west along the Prizren-Djakovica road. At the
> third, I came across four bomb craters. I saw - and
> in some cases collected - a number of bomb and
> missile parts. At Gradis, I came across part of a
> missile circuit board, its congealed wiring attached
> to a plate which contains a manufacturer's code.
>
> Yesterday's Independent carried some of this. But
> Nato will need the fullest possible information to
> trace this piece of ordnance quickly. The full code
> (the brackets are empty on the original) reads as
> follows:
>
> SCHEM 872110 ( ) 96214ASSY8721122 - MSN
> 63341 [remaining figures obscured by detonation
> damage]
>
> It shouldn't take Nato armaments experts more than
> a few hours to find out where that code came from
> - indeed what aircraft carried and fired that missile.
> Its pilot - if it was a Nato bomb - will then be able to
> explain why he fired it.
>
> At Velika Krusa, I found the fusing of an aerial bomb
> next to a smashed trailer containing the belongings
> of 35 Albanian refugees, four of whom - all women
> - were killed in this air strike. I also have in my
> possession what may be a swivel system to an aerial
> bomb. It is one-inch square, very damaged (Xs
> stand for the illegible parts) - but carries the code:
> "X6214 - 837XNY".
>
> At Gradis, I found a large bomb part, green in colour
> but with stencilled colour code in English, whose full
> code reads:
>
> WING ASSEMBLY
>
> 96214ASSY
>
> 78-201872 872128
>
> DATE OF MFG 3/78
>
> Another similar bomb part contained the numbers:
>
> 96214ASSY
>
> 887760-4
>
> At Gradis, too, part of what appeared to be a
> detonator contained a section of manufacturer's
> name:
>
> - TER Co Inc
>
> 13250
>
> Again, Nato intelligence authorities should be able to
> work out some of those codings within a few
> minutes. Another piece of a bomb had the single
> word "BENDIX" stamped on the metal. Other bomb
> and missile fragments contained moving fin
> assembly parts. Most of the shrapnel was so sharp it
> that it cut the hands of those who touched it. The
> corpses showed what happened when the bomb
> parts shredded them alive. One of the bodies lying in
> a field at Terezicki Most - that of a man in his 40s -
> had the top of his head cut cleanly off, along with
> his brain and eyes so that his face had turned into an
> actor's mask. A middle-aged woman in a purple
> pullover and brightly flowered skirt with her eyes
> open and a pale waxen face, had had her neck cut
> open.
>
> Now, maybe Nato will find that these bomb and
> missile assembly parts belonged to weapons sold to
> other governments. Perhaps they will be able to
> claim that a Balkan nation was given the aerial bomb
> whose wing assembly number is recorded above. In
> which case, maybe Nato will say that the Yugoslav
> air force - of which not a single aircraft has been
> seen in the air since the start of the Nato
> bombardment - carried out this massacre of
> Albanian refugees.
>
> Certainly, Yugoslav army officers at the bomb sites
> made no attempt to prevent photographers taking
> pictures of the larger pieces (though they showed no
> interest in the codings and seemed unable to
> understand my interest). And I saw one
> photographer drag a piece of bomb several metres
> and turn it over for a better photograph. But given
> the time available and the chaos on the road - Nato
> air raids were going on within a mile of us as we
> examined the bomb sites - it is impossible to believe
> that the Serbs had time to construct these terrible
> scenes.
>
> At Gradis, there was evidence of strafing as well as
> aerial bombing. Huge troughs had been cut into the
> earth, each two feet in length, separated by up to 10
> feet and unevenly separated as if a drunken monster
> had lurched through the field and on to the road.
> These appeared identical to the cannon fire marks I
> found at the scene of American A-10 "Tankbuster"
> strikes in the 1991 Gulf War. But there were no
> burnt-out tanks on the Prizren-Djakovica road; only
> tractors and trailers and an old milk-yellow van
> turned inside out by the explosion which destroyed
> it.
>
> Along miles of the same road were other tractors,
> some scorched, most abandoned, apparently in
> panic, at the side of the road. The few Kosovo
> Albanians we found spoke of thousands on the road
> that day - 14 April - and it appears that they were
> moving in both directions. Survivors have said they
> came from the border, were moved to Djakovica
> and then told by Serb forces to move to Prizren.
> Most say they had no Serb escorts. I saw those
> awful buses with the black curtains moving in both
> directions near Prizren on Thursday. "Ethnic
> cleansing" is not a precise art. Nor is fear.
> Undoubtedly some of the Kosovo Albanians on the
> road were terrified of the aircraft which bombed
> them in four separate locations. The fourth attack
> took place at Meja on the other side of Djakovica.
>
> It wasn't difficult for me to imagine the terror on
> that road. While we were picking our way through
> the corpses of Terezicki Most, Nato planes dropped
> bombs less than a mile away - cluster bombs from
> the sound of them - and a series of massive
> explosions changed the air pressure around us. We
> watched the skies. From time to time, we could hear
> - but not see - Nato jets power-diving. Columns of
> dark smoke billowed over the bright green fields.
>
> But we found no military wreckage. Not a smashed
> rifle, not a piece of armour. There was a lot of glass
> on parts of the road - not a commodity to find in
> large amounts on military vehicles. The only victims
> of these air strikes appeared to be civilians. At
> Terezicki Most, I counted 13 corpses and other
> body parts. A missile had rammed a tractor, setting
> fire to its trailer and incinerating all inside. In the
> Prizren hospital mortuary, six corpses lay on the
> concrete floor. There was a woman, breasts
> exposed, on the right, a delicate child close to her
> with a bloodied face. A piece of paper with the
> number "1" written on it had been pinned to the
> shroud half covering an unknown man. We had
> names for the rest: Fikrija Sulja, Imer Celja, Ferat
> Bajrami, Persad Sanfjli and Nerdgivare Zecin.
>
> Along the road, there were clothes and rags and
> broken cups and saucers beside the bomb sites and
> photograph albums and family snapshots. I picked
> up photographs of a pretty young Kosovo Albanian
> woman with a lace blouse and curls and long black
> earrings, of a smiling four-year old boy in a T-shirt
> standing on a sofa behind a vase of sunflowers, of
> the boy's parents and two other brothers on the
> same sofa, of two old women in Muslim scarves
> and of a blood group certificate - Rhesus positive -
> for a woman named Rama Resmije, dated 16 March
> 1993.
>
> Did she live or die? Were the little boy and his
> parents and brothers torn apart in the air strikes on
> Wednesday? And what of the pretty woman in the
> earrings? If they survived, they deserve to know
> why their family and friends died. If they were
> killed, we deserve to know why. That these people
> were massacred in air strikes I do not doubt. I fear
> very much that they were slaughtered by Nato. If
> so, why? Was this some terrible error about which
> Nato - after its attack on a passenger train last week
> - fears to tell us? Or did some Nato pilots (and this
> massacre needed three or four planes) make an error
> and agree to cover it up? Or - most awful of all - did
> a Nato pilot do something terrible, inexplicable, two
> days ago and then lie about it?
>
> Nato, I suspect, can tell us. And those of us who
> walked among the innocent dead on the road from
> Prizren to Djakovica this week are waiting to hear
> Jamie tell the truth.