For å foregripe evt. mistenkeliggjøring: Nedenstående har jeg funnet på en
hjemmeside som kaller seg "Macedonia Your Friend". "Sjarmerende" ikkesant? -
denne typen statspropaganda har alltid vært komisk tung på labben. Siden
inneholder imidlertid både interessant og tvilsomt stoff.
Dette bør leses med ytterst kritisk blikk som alt annet. Jeg vet ikke hvem
Michel Chossudovsky er. Hans analyse skjemmes av en del ting. Han beskriver
innimellom virkeligheten som komplotter og konspirasjoner og tenderer av og
til til å demonisere i stedet for å analysere. Eks.: "The promise of
"Greater Albania" used by Washington to foment Albanian nationalism is part
of the military-intelligence ploy." US-interesser bruker sikkert slike
løfter ved noen anledninger, men for å få til denne oljerørledningen trenger
de jo åpenbart også allierte på makedonsk og bulgarsk side og kan derfor
ikke bare spille på det storalbanske kort. For å få ledningen tryggt i gang
er de jo også etterhvert avhengige av fred i området - prosjektet skal jo
bli rentabelt, dette er kapitalisme. Men at de er hensynsløse og kyniske i
sin jakt på profitt hersker det neppe tvil om. "The puppet governments
installed in Tirana, Skopje and Sofia, while largely responding to US
diktats, are currently being swayed in the direction of the European Union.
Washington's intent is ultimately to curb Germany's "Lebensraum" into
Southeastern Europe." Her er virkelighetsbeskrivelsen temmelig fantasifull
og grovkornet. Hvis de amerikanske "marionettregjeringene" kan "svinges" av
EU, er de da "marionetter"? Å beskrive tysk politikk i dag i termer av
"Lebensraum" er å lage en grotesk historieforenkling. I hvor høy grad er
dagens US- osv.-regjeringer nasjonalsjåvinister, i hvor høy grad snarere
redskaper for diverse multinasjonale selskaper uten smålige nasjonale
hensyn? Denne dimensjonen mangler helt i Chossudovskys verdensbilde og
han motsier delvis seg selv. At det er sprekker i den amerikansk-europeiske
idyllen som kommer fram her er det dog neppe tvil om.
Det er påfallende at i alle planene han beskriver med grundige
kildehenvisninger glimrer østlige interesser og etterretning ved totalt
fravær, selvom russisk kapital og militær selvsagt også har sine dype
interesser i denne regionen. F.eks. finnes det en konkurrerende
oljerørledning til den amerikanske fra Bulgaria gjennom Makedonia/Albania,
nemlig fra Bulgaria gjennom Hellas til Egeerhavet, og denne siste er russisk
kapital involvert i. Det sies at russerne og amerikanerne kappes om å
bestikke bulgarske myndigheter til å favorisere sin løsning. Herom er
Chossudovsky bemerkelsesverdig taus (se:
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a379fb721329c.htm). Selvom Russland
selvsagt er en svak part i konkurransen, hører de med i bildet. Endelig kan
det nok stilles spørsmål ved Chossudovskys kildebruk.
Altså: jeg tror på ingen måte dette er ren sannhet. Men at det gir et (også
ufrivillig) innblikk i at det foregår annet enn bare etniske konflikter på
Balkan er hevet over tvil. Likeledes at det rummer en del ting som er
dokumenterbare, f.eks. om rivaliseringen mellom multinasjonal
tysk-fransk-italiensk og US-kapital i området. Jeg imøteser med interesse at
noen kan korrigere innholdet og påvise hvor det er feil og fordreininger
utover det jeg har påpekt.
Det jeg får ut av dette pluss konflikten i Midtøsten mv. er: det foregår
meget farlige ting i dagens verden og det gjelder å være våken og kritisk.
Og da har jeg ikke engang tatt med det kanskje alvorligste som ingen av alle
disse pengegalningene fra Cheeney til Putin skjenker een alvorlig tanke:
miljøkonsekvensene av deres kortsynte gambling og griskhet med olje osv. Som
vanlig menneske er man egentlig redningsløst fortapt i alt dette
intrigemakeriet. Hvordan skal det komme noe fornuftig ut av all denne
galskapen? Man bør iallfall ikke la seg rekruttere av noen av alle de
hellige og hemmelige krigerne. Og kanskje bør man som Brecht anbefalte
allerede rundt 1920 være forberedt til å skjule hvor man ligger begravd.
Alle så Bush II og Putin omfavne hverandre "hjertelig". Alle kjenner
episoden med det amerikanske spionflyet over Kina. Enda en gang:
"De store menn skriver avtaler. Lille mann, skriv testamente." (Brecht)
Gode dikt sier mer om virkeligheten enn allverdens journalistikk. La oss
håpe at alle de mektige som graver graver for oss andre selv faller i dem
før det er for seint.
Karsten Johansen
http://www.ok.mk/news/story.asp?id=1610
MICHEL CHOSSUDOVSKY: AMERICA AT WAR IN MACEDONIA
Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa
See map at http://www.bsrec.bg/taskforce/SYNERGY/oilprojects2.html.
Washington's covert war in Macedonia purports to consolidate America's
sphere of influence in southeastern Europe. At stake is the strategic
Bulgaria-Macedonia-Albania transport, communications and oil pipeline
"corridor" which links the Black Sea to the Adriatic coast. Macedonia stands
at the strategic crossroads of the oil pipeline corridor. To protect these
pipeline routes, Washington's goal is to install a "patchwork of
protectorates" along strategic corridors in the Balkans. The promise of
"Greater Albania" used by Washington to foment Albanian nationalism is part
of the military-intelligence ploy. Amply documented, the latter consists in
financing and equipping the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and its National
Liberation Army (NLA) proxy to wage the terrorist assaults in Macedonia.
The development of America's sphere of influence in Southeastern Europe --in
complicity with Britain-- supports the interests of the oil giants including
BP-Amoco-ARCO, Chevron and Texaco. Securing control and "protecting" the
pipeline routes is paramount to the success of these multi-billion dollar
ventures:
"A successful international oil regime is a combination of economic,
political, and military arrangements to support oil production and
transportation to markets."1
The Anglo-American consortium which controls the AMBO Trans-Balkan pipeline
project linking the Bulgarian port of Burgas to Vlore on the Albanian
Adriatic coastline largely excludes the participation of Europe's competing
oil giant Total-Fina-Elf. 2 In other words, US strategic control over the
pipeline corridor is intent upon weakening the role of the European Union
and keeping competing European business interests at arms' length.
WHO IS BEHIND THE TRANS-BALKAN PIPELINE?
The US based AMBO pipeline consortium is directly linked to the seat of
political and military power in the United States and Vice President Dick
Cheney's firm Halliburton Energy.3
The feasibility study for AMBO's Trans-Balkan Oil Pipeline, conducted by the
international engineering company of Brown & Root Ltd. [Halliburton's
British subsidiary] has determined that this pipeline…will become a part of
the region's critical East-West corridor infrastructure which includes
highway, railway, gas and fiber optic telecommunications lines.4
And upon completion of the feasibility study by Halliburton, a senior
executive of Halliburton was appointed CEO of AMBO. Halliburton was also
granted a contract to service US troops in the Balkans and build "Bondsteel"
in Kosovo, which now constitutes "the largest American foreign military base
constructed since Vietnam".5 Coincidentally, White and Case LLT, the New
York law firm that President William J. Clinton joined when he left the
White House also has a stake in the AMBO pipeline deal.
MILITARISATION OF THE PIPELINE CORRIDORS
The AMBO Trans-Balkans pipeline project would link up with the pipeline
corridors between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea basin, which lies at the
hub of the World's largest unexplored oil reserves (See map of
http://www.bsrec.bg/taskforce/SYNERGY/oilprojects2.html). The militarisation
of these various corridors is an integral part of Washington's design.
The US policy of "protecting the pipeline routes" out of the Caspian Sea
basin (and across the Balkans) was spelled out by Clinton's Energy Secretary
Bill Richardson barely a few months prior to the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia:
"This is about America's energy security… It's also about preventing
strategic inroads by those who don't share our values. We're trying to move
these newly independent countries toward the west… We would like to see them
reliant on western commercial and political interests rather than going
another way. We've made a substantial political investment in the Caspian,
and it's very important to us that both the pipeline map and the politics
come out right."6
The Anglo-American oil giants, including BP-Amoco-Arco, Texaco and Chevron
--supported by US military might-- are competing with Europe's oil giant
Total-Fina-Elf (associated with Italy's ENI) which is a big player in
Kazakhstan's wealthy North East Caspian Kashagan oil fields. The stakes are
high: Kashagan is reported "so large as to even surpass the size of the
North Sea oil reserves."7 The competing EU based consortium, however, lacks
a significant stake and leverage in the main pipeline routes out of the
Caspian Sea basin and back (via the Black Sea and through the Balkans) to
Western Europe. The key pipeline corridor projects --including the AMBO
project and the Baku-Ceyhan project through Turkey to the Mediterranean--
are largely in the hands of their Anglo-American rivals, which rely heavily
on US political and military presence in both the Caspian basin and the
Balkans.
Washington's design is to eventually distance all three AMBO countries,
namely Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania from German-EU influence through the
installation of full-fledged US protectorates. In other words, US
militarisation and geopolitical control over the projected pipeline linking
Burgas in Bulgaria to the Adriatic port of Vlore in Albania is intent upon
undermining EU influence as well as weakening competing
Franco-Belgian-Italian oil interests.
Negotiations concerning the AMBO pipeline have been supported by US
government officials through the Trade and Development Agency's (TDA) South
Balkan Development Initiative (SBDI) "designed to help Albania, Bulgaria and
FYR Macedonia further develop and integrate their transportation
infrastructure along the east-west corridor that connects them."8
The TDA points to the need for the three countries to "use regional
synergies to leverage new public and private capital [from US companies]"
while underscoring the responsibility of the US government "for implementing
the initiative." With regard to the AMBO pipeline, it would appear that the
EU has largely been excluded from the planning and negotiations. "Memoranda
of understanding" (MOU) have already been signed with the governments of
Albania, Bulgaria and Macedonia which strip the countries' national
sovereignty over both the pipeline and the transport corridors by providing
"exclusive rights" to the Anglo-American consortium:
" …[The] MOU states that AMBO will be the only party allowed to build the
planned Burgas-Vlore oil pipeline. More specifically, it gives AMBO the
exclusive right to negotiate with investors in and creditors of the project.
It also obligates … [the governments of Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania] not
to disclose certain confidential information on the pipeline project.9
"EAST-WEST CORRIDOR 8"
The AMBO pipeline project is linked up with another strategic project
entitled "Corridor 8", initially proposed by the Clinton Administration in
the context of the "Balkans Stability Pact". Of strategic importance to both
the US and the European Union, "Corridor 8" includes highway, railway,
electricity and telecommunications infrastructure. In turn, the existing
infrastructure in these sectors is slated for deregulation and privatisation
(at rock bottom prices) under IMF-World Bank supervision.
Although rubber-stamped by EU transport ministers as part of the process of
European economic integration, "Corridor 8" feasibility studies were
conducted by US companies financed directly by the TDA. In other words,
Washington seems to have set the stage for the takeover of the countries'
transport and communications infrastructure. American corporations including
Bechtel, Enron and General Electric (with financial backing from the US
government) are competing with companies from the European Union.
Washington's design is to open up the entire corridor to US multinationals
in a region situated in the European Union's "economic backyard", where the
power of the Deutschmark tends to dominate over that of the US dollar.
"EU ENLARGEMENT"
In early 2000, the European Commission began negotiations on EU associate
membership status with Macedonia, Bulgaria and Albania. And in April 2001,
at the height of the terrorist assaults, Macedonia became the first country
in the Balkans to sign a so-called "stabilisation and association agreement"
(SAA) constituting an important step towards full EU membership. The
agreement provides the basis for "trade liberalisation, political
co-operation, economic and institutional reform and transplantation of EU
legislation." Under the SAA, Macedonia would (de facto) be integrated into
the European monetary system, with full access to the EU market.10
The terrorist assaults coincided chronologically with the process of "EU
enlargement", gaining momentum barely a few weeks before the signing of the
historic "association agreement" with Macedonia. Amply documented, the US
has military advisers working with the terrorists. Was this a mere
coincidence?
Also, Robert Frowick, "a former US diplomat", was appointed to head the OSCE
mission in Macedonia in mid-March, again barely a few weeks before the
signing of the "association agreement." In close liaison with Washington and
the US embassy in Skopje, Frowick initiated a "dialogue" with NLA rebel
leader Ali Ahmeti. He was also instrumental in brokering an agreement
between Ahmeti and the leaders of the Albanian parties, which form part of
the government coalition.
This agreement negotiated by Frowick has largely contributed to
destabilising political institutions, while at the same time jeopardising
the process of EU enlargement.11 Moreover, the deteriorating security
situation in Macedonia has provided a pretext for increased US political,
"humanitarian" and military interference, while contributing to weakening
Skopje's economic and political ties to Germany and the EU. In this regard,
one of the "binding conditions" of the "association agreement" is that
Macedonia conform to "EU standards on democracy".12 Needless to say, without
a "functioning government" in Macedonia, the EU association process with
Brussels cannot proceed.
The puppet governments installed in Tirana, Skopje and Sofia, while largely
responding to US diktats, are currently being swayed in the direction of the
European Union. Washington's intent is ultimately to curb Germany's
"Lebensraum" into Southeastern Europe. While paying lip service to "EU
enlargement", the US has consistently favoured "NATO enlargement" as a means
to pursuing its strategic interests in Eastern Europe and the Balkans, while
Germany and France have opposed it.
While the tone of international diplomacy remains mannerly and polite, US
foreign policy under the Bush administration has become distinctly
"anti-European". According to one observer:
"At the heart of the Bush team, Colin Powell is [considered] the friend of
the Europeans, while the other ministers and advisers are considered
arrogant, hard and indisposed to listen or to give the Europeans a place."13
GERMANY AND AMERICA
Amply documented, the CIA is behind the KLA and the NLA rebels, who are
waging the terrorist assaults against the Macedonian security forces. While
the CIA's German counterpart the Bundes Nachrichten Dienst (BND)
collaborated with the CIA in overseeing and financing the KLA prior to the
1999 war, recent developments suggest that the BND is not involved in
Washington's military-intelligence ploy in Macedonia.14
Barely a few weeks before the signing of the "association agreement" with
the European Union, German troops stationed in Macedonia in the Tetovo
region were (mid March 2001) "accidentally" targeted by the NLA. While the
Western media --echoing in chorus the official statements-- maintains that
German troops were "caught in the cross-fire", reports from Tetovo suggest
that the NLA shelling "was deliberate." In any event, the incident would not
have occurred had Germany's BND been working with the rebel army:
"Up to 600 German troops were forced to leave Tetovo overnight after their
barracks… were caught in crossfire… [They] were too lightly armed to defend
themselves against the Albanians. The Germans will replace the departing
troops with a Leopard tank squadron [belonging to the
Panzer-Artillerie-Batterie division stationed in Nordrein-Westphalen].
…[T]he new [German] firepower may be used to knock out Albanian positions
now established around Tetovo,…" 15
In a bitter irony, two of the commanders responsible for the terrorist
assaults in the Tetovo region had been trained by British Special Forces:
"Embarrassingly for KFOR, it emerged that two of the Kosovo-based commanders
leading the Albanian push [into the Tetovo region] were trained by former
British SAS and Parachute Regiment officers in the days when NATO was more
comfortable with the fledgling Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). A former member
of a European special forces unit who accompanied the KLA during the Kosovo
conflict said that a commander with the nom de guerre of Bilal was
organising the flow of arms and men into Macedonia, and that the veteran KLA
commander Adem Bajrami was helping to co-ordinate the assault on Tetovo.
Both were taught by British soldiers in the secretive training camps that
operated above Bajram Curri in northern Albania during 1998 and 1999."16
These same British trained rebel commanders view Germany as the "enemy"
because Bundeswehr troops stationed in Macedonia and Kosovo --rather than
providing "protection" to NLA "freedom fighters" in the same way as their
British and American KFOR counterparts-- frequently detain "suspected
terrorists" at the border:
"A spokesman for the Albanians' National Liberation Army (NLA) in Pristina
warned the Bundeswehr its involvement would constitute 'a declaration of war
by the Federal Republic of Germany'". 17
In response to NLA threats, the Bundeswehr sent in its own Special Forces,
the Fallschirmjäger (Parachutists) to work with its
Panzer-Artillerie-Batterie squadron.18 German Defence Minister Rudolf
Scharping confirmed that "he was ready to send more tanks and troops to
bolster Bundeswehr forces".19 Yet in recent developments, Berlin has chosen
to withdraw most of its troops from the Tetovo region and not in any way
challenge the US military-intelligence ploy in support of the NLA rebels.
Some of these German troops are now stationed on the Kosovo side of the
border.
While the NLA received a shipment of brand new advanced weaponry "made in
America", Germany donated (mid-June) to the Macedonian Security forces all
terrain vehicles as well as weapons "for sophisticated infrared tracing in
the battlefield." According to a report from Macedonia, the small contingent
of German troops which still remains in the Tetovo region "was under heavy
attack from the terrorists who attacked them with mortar from the mountains
above Tetovo. That is probably the response of yesterday's [14 June 2001]
donation to our army made by the German government".20
While divisions between "NATO allies" are never made public, Germany's
Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer --in a strongly worded statement to the
Bundestag directed against "the Albanian extremists in Macedonia"-- has
called for "a long-term arrangement, aimed to make the whole region closer
to Europe." (i.e. free of US encroachment). The German position is in marked
contrast to that put forth by the US, which requires the Skopje government
to grant amnesty to the terrorists, modify the country's constitution and
incorporate the NLA rebels in civilian politics:
"The pact reportedly called for the rebels to stop their fight in exchange
for amnesty guarantees. The rebels would also have the right to veto future
political decisions regarding ethnic Albanian rights. The accord was
reportedly mediated by Robert Frowick, a former U.S. envoy who currently
served as a Balkan representative for the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe." 21
THE ANGLO-AMERICAN AXIS
The clash between Germany and America in the Balkans is part of a much
broader process which affects the heart of the Western military-industrial
complex and defence establishment.
From the early 1990s, the US and Germany have acted jointly as NATO partners
in the Balkans, coordinating their respective military, intelligence and
foreign policy initiatives. While maintaining in their public statements a
semblance of political unity, serious divisions started to emerge in the
wake of the Dayton Accords (1995), as German banks scrambled to impose the
Deutschmark and take over the monetary system of Yugoslavia's successor
states.
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Moreover, in the wake of the 1999 war in Yugoslavia, the US has reinforced
its strategic, military and intelligence ties with Britain, while Britain
has severed many of its ties (particularly in the area of defence and
aerospace production) with Germany and France.
Launched in early 2000, U.S. Defense Secretary William Cohen and his British
counterpart, Geoff Hoon, signed a “Declaration of Principles for Defense
Equipment and Industrial Cooperation''. 22 Washington’s objective was to
encourage the formation of a “transatlantic bridge across which the DoD [US
Department of Defense] can take its globalization policy to Europe."23
The US defence industry --which now includes British Aerospace Systems
(BaeS)-- is clashing with the Franco-German defence consortium EADS --a
conglomerate composed of France's Aerospatiale Matra, Deutsche Aerospace,
which is part of the powerful Daimler group, and Spain's CASA. In other
words, a major split in the Western military-industrial complex has occurred
with the US and Britain on one side and Germany and France on the other.
Oil, guns and the Western military alliance are intimately related
processes. Washington's design is to eventually ensure the dominance of the
US military-industrial complex in alliance with the Anglo-American oil
giants and Britain’s major defense contractors. These developments evidently
also have a bearing on the control over strategic pipelines, transport and
communications corridors in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the former
Soviet Union.
In turn, this Anglo-American axis is also matched by increased cooperation
between the CIA and Britain’s MI5 in the sphere of intelligence and covert
operations as evidenced by the role played by British SAS Special Forces in
training KLA rebels.
WAR, "DOLLARISATION" AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER
"Protection" of the pipelines, covert activities and the recycling of drug
money in support of armed insurgencies, militarisation of strategic
corridors, defence procurement to "Partnership for Peace" (PfP) countries
are all an integral part of the Anglo-American axis and its quest to
dominate oil and gas routes and transport corridors out of the Caspian sea
basin and from the Black sea across the Balkans.
More generally, what is happening in the broader region linking Eastern
Europe and the Balkans to the former Soviet republics is a relentless
scramble for control over national economies by competing business
conglomerates. And behind this process is the quest by Wall Street's
financial establishment --in alliance with the defence and oil giants-- to
destabilise and discredit the Deutschmark (and the Euro) with a view to
imposing the US dollar as the sole currency for the region.
Control over "money creation" --imposing the rule of the US Federal Reserve
system throughout the World-- has become a central feature of US
expansionism. In this regard, Washington's military-intelligence ploy not
only consists in undermining "EU enlargement", it is also intent upon
weakening and displacing the dominion of Germany's largest banking
institutions (e.g. Deutsche Bank, Commerzbank and WestDeutsche Landesbank)
throughout the Balkans.
In other words, the New World Order is marked by the clash between Europe
and America for "colonial control" over national currencies. And this
conflict between "competing capitalist blocks" will become increasingly
acute when several hundred million people from Eastern Europe and the
Balkans to Central Asia start using the Euro as their "de facto" national
currency on January 1st 2002.
See map at http://www.bsrec.bg/taskforce/SYNERGY/oilprojects2.html.
NOTES
1 Robert V. Baryiski, The Caspian Oil Regime: Military Dimensions, Caspian
Crossroads Magazine ,Volume 1, Issue No. 2, Spring 1995.
2. Reference to the European Union in this article should be interpreted as
the "European Union minus Britain".
3 See Albanian Telegraph Agency, Tirana 28 July 1998 and Milsnews, Skopje,
23 January, 1997 available at
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a379fb721329c.htm
4. Milsnews, op cit.
5. See Karen Talbot's incisive analysis: "Former Yugoslavia: The Name of the
Game is Oil, People's Weekly World, May 2001 at
http://www.ecadre.net/pages/news/stories/990197752.shtml (dette er det
amerikanske kommunistpartiet, min anm. KJ), see also Marjorie Cohn,
"Pacification for a pipeline: explaining the US Military presence in the
Balkans, The Jurist, Legal Education Network, June 2001,
http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/forumnew22.htm
6. George Monbiot, A Discreet Deal in the Pipeline, The Guardian, 15
February 2001.
7. Richard Giragosian, "Massive Kashagan Oil Strike Renews Geopolitical
Offensive In Caspian", The Analyst, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, Johns
Hopkins University-Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, 7
June, 2000, http://www.soros.org/caucasus/0059.html
8. See the Trade and Development (TDA) by Region at
http://www.tda.gov/region/sbdi.html 9. Alexander Gas and Oil Connections,
http://www.gasandoil.com/goc/news/nte04224.htm, October 2000.
10. Under so-called "asymmetric trade preferences" with the EU.
11. For further details on the role of Robert Frowick, see Michel
Chossudovsky, "Macedonia: Washington's Military-Intelligence Ploy". June 2001
12. See AFP, 10 April 2001.
13. According to Pascal Boniface, director of the Paris Institute of
International and Strategic Relations, UPI, 11 April 2001.
14. For details on CIA-BND support to the KLA see Michel Chossudovsky,
"Kosovo Freedom Fighters Financed by Organised Crime", Covert Action
Quarterly, Fall 1999 also available at
http://www.heise.de/tp/english/inhalt/co/2743/1.html,
15 Tom Walker, NATO Troops caught in a Balkan Ulster, Sunday Times, London,
18 March 2001,
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. See Deutsche Fallschirmjäger nach Tetovo, Spiegel Online, 24 March 2001,
see also, Bundeswehr verlegt Soldaten ins Kosovo, Spiegel Online, 23 March
2001.
19. Deutsche Press Agentur, 19 March 2001,
20. Information transmitted to the author from Skopje, June 2001.
21. Facts on File, World News Digest, 30 May 2001.
22. Reuters, 5 February 2000.
23. The agreement was signed (according to a Pentagon official quoted in
Muradian) shortly after the creation of British Aerospace Systems resulting
from the merger of BAe with GEC Marconi. British Aerospace (Bae) was already
firmly allied to America’s largest defense contractors Lockheed Martin and
Boeing. For further details see Vago Muradian, Pentagon Sees Bridge to
Europe, Defense Daily, Vol. 204, No. 40 Dec. 01, 1999.
Recent articles by the author on the Balkans:
"Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the Balkans", April 2001, at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/fin.htm or
http://www.canadiandimension.mb.ca/extra/x0404mc.htm
"Economic Terrorism", May 2001 at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/eco1.htm or
http://alainet.org/active/show_news.phtml?news_id=1225.
C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, Ottawa, June 2001. All rights reserved.
Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial community internet
sites, provided the essay remains intact and the copyright note is
displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or other form, including
excerpts, contact the author at chossudovsky@videotron.ca or
chossudovsky@sprint.ca, fax: 1-514-4256224.
Web posted at: 6/28/2001 12:45:00 AM (GMT-8)
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