IRland : RE: TALKS DEAL REACHED

Magne Haagen Flatval (mflatval@c2i.net)
Fri, 10 Apr 1998 20:36:27 +0200

Den er litt lang..

------------------

>>> Sinn Fein to study talks deal

The concluding plenary talks session of marathon Irish
peace negotiations has just ended in a most extraordinary
day in Irish history.

As the parties examine the document, plans were being
made for two referendums to ratify the document in both
parts of the border to ratify the document on May 22.

There was no final signing ceremony. After talks
chairman George Mitchell announced to the waiting media
that the two governments and the political parties had
reached agreement, the party leaders spoke of their
thoughts at the final talks session and in press
conferences outside.

Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams said this afternoon
that the party's negotiating team will take the talks
document back to their Ard Chomhairle. "We will assess
the document in the context of our peace strategy: Does
it remove the causes of conflict? Can it be developed
and is it transitional? As in the past we will approach
this development in a positive manner," he said.

In the last hours, last-minute hitch followed
last-minute hitch as the Ulster Unionist Party sought
new guarantees on the decommissioning of paramilitary
weapons including IRA arms.

But a fianl round of calls from US President Bill Clinton
reportedly soothed unionist nerves.

Early on Friday morning Mitchel McLaughlin expressed
Sinn Fein's worries about the swings and shifts in the
flavour of the document when he noted that he had
earlier pointed out that 'the Unionists were attempting
to take the substance out of this paper in a number of
key areas. They succeeded to some degree in Strand
Two.' By mid morning however, that had been reversed.
McLaughlin also spoke of 'some other progress, in
particular in Strand One. Sinn Fein continues to be
opposed to an assembly, nevertheless many of the
checks, balances and safeguards which we argued for
during the negotiations, have now been secured."

Speeches by all of the participants in the negotiations
are continuing inside and outside Castle Buildings
in Belfast as the talks conclude with a strong sense
that the final 69-page text marks an epochal departure
in Irish history.

Key points in the document include an Assembly of 108
members, elected by PR from the existing 18 Westminster
constituencies . It would have a Chair, a First
Minister, a Deputy First Minister and up to 10
ministers with responsibility for the existing NIO
departments.

These would be elected by the de Hondt system of PR
from the 108 members, as an attempt to ensure
proportionality. Those holding these executive offices
would take a 'Pledge of Office' to carry out their
duties in accordance with stated principles. In
addition to the ministers, it is proposed to have
committees with an advisory role and powers of scrutiny
of legislation.

Those elected to Ministerial offices would be compelled
by legislation to participate in cross border executive
structures, a North/South Ministerial Council,
'participation ... to be one of the essential
responsibilities' of office.

The powers of such an assembly would not be immediate,
a shadow period would serve to allow time to identify
its work, with this task to be complete by October
1998.

A joint parliamentary forum would also be developed,
while the creation of a 'Civic Forum' would allow for
the participation of Trade Unions, Community groups
etc.

Under Constitutional Issues the talks document
continues to set the 'right' to self determination on
the Island as a whole in the context of 'accepting that
this right must be achieved and exercised with and
subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of
the people of Northern Ireland.' Polls to test such a
position cannot be held more frequently than every
seven years.

While The Government of Ireland Act 1920 is being
repealed, the Irish Constitution will move from
defining the nation in geographic terms to viewing it
in terms of its people.

Where in one section of the agreement there is a
'recognition of the birthright of all the people of
Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted
as Irish or British, or both...' Article 2 as amended
would state that it is the 'entitlement and birthright
of every person born in the island of Ireland, which
includes its islands and seas, to be part of the Irish
nation.'

Article 3 will now affirm the 'will of the Irish
nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the
people who share the territory of the island of
Ireland' while 'recognizing that a united Ireland shall
be brought about only by peaceful means with the
consent of a majority of the people, democratically
expressed, in both jurisdictions in the island.' A
second part of Article 3 will allow for the creation of
institutions with executive powers and functions which
'may exercise powers and functions in respect of all or
any part of the island.'

Mechanisms for the introduction of 'an accelerated
programme for the release of prisoners, including
transferred prisoners' would be introduced, with a
fixed time review process setting release dates, and
with any remaining 'qualifying' prisoners (that is,
prisoners whose organisations are on ceasefire) to be
released at the end of two years.

An independent Commission on policing will be
established, with the aim of delivering 'a fair and
impartial system of justice to the community'. Such an
approach would seek 'a police service that can enjoy
widespread support from' and be seen 'as an integral
part of the community as a whole.'

Demilitarization including the removal of security
installations, the removal of emergency powers and the
Offences Against the State Act will occur, while the
Agreement seeks the completion of decommissioning
within 2 years of an agreement being reached.

The Irish language is to be given recognition, with the
British pledged to 'take resolute action to promote the
language', including such areas as education,
consultation with the Irish speaking community and with
the improvement of access to TnaG in the 6 Counties.

PROPOSED AREAS FOR NORTH SOUTH COOPERATION AND
IMPLEMENTATION

Agriculture Education including teacher qualifications
and exchanges Transport- strategic planning Environment
Waterways Social Security/ Social Welfare, including
entitlements of cross border workers, and fraud Tourism
EU Programmes - SPPR, INTERREG, Leader II etc Inland
Fisheries Aquaculture Health - accident and emergency
services and related cross border issues Urban and
Rural development

_________________________________________________________

>>> 'Time to draw breath' -- Adams

-------------------------------------------------------
Comments by Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams to the plenary talks in Castle
Buildings
and a final press conference.
--------------------------------------------------------

I want to thank and pay tribute to Senator Mitchell,
Prime Minister Holkeri and General de Chastelain for
their contribution to the negotiating proce and for
their unassailable patience throughout.

The presence of An Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and the
British Prime Minister Tony Blair clearly created a
focus which broke the stalemate. In our view this
focus could have brought even greater forward movement
and in the months ahead, it can deliver further
progress.

I hope that when they leave here they will have left
behind new arrangments which allow us to put the past
behind us and help us build a bridge into a future for
all the Irish people based on justice, equality and
freedom.

I want to also thank the other participants in this
process. We have a long way to go if we are to achieve
a durable and lasting peace. I think all of us shared
a very unique experience here in Castle Buildings. I
want to thank the administration and much burdened
catering staff and everyone who eased our stay here.

Clearly, there is a huge gap of distrust betwen
nationalists and unionists. It must be bridged on the
basis of equality. No process which excludes any
section of opinion can hope to be succesful. That has
been our objective in this proces. We have resisted
attempts to force us out, to marginalise us, to
silwence and intimidate us. We are here representing
our electorate. We wil continue to represent our
electorate.

These negotiations and the new arrangements which result
from them are part of our collective journey from the
failures of the past and towards a future of equals. We
remian absolutely committed to our Irish republican
objectives. We will continue to pursue these
objectives in the months and years ahead.

British policy in Ireland has manifestly failed.
Partition has failed. The decades of unionist rule in
the north were exclusive and partisan. Those days are
gone forever. There is no going back to the failed
policies and structures of the past, to the domination
of a one party unionist state supported by the British
government.

Sinn Fein has a vision of the future. Of an Ireland
free from division and conflict. And where all our
people can live together in peace. This can be
achieved in our lifetime. It is this republican vision
which has guided us throughout the years and in
particular through the peace process. Indeed this
weekend republicans will commemorate the 82nd
anniversary of the 1916 Rising, an event that inspired
and continues to inspire myself and other republicans.

While the document produced this morning contains
elements which are positive, there are others yet to be
resolved. So much more has to be done.

I have always made it clear that our negotiating team
will go back to the Ard Chomhairle (National Executive)
of Sinn Fein. We will assess the document in the
context of our peace strategy: Does it remove the
causes of conflict? Can it be developed and is it
transitional? As in the past we will approach this
development in a positive manner.

But for now it is time to draw breath. It is time to
reflect. Republicans and nationalists will come to the
document with scepticism but also with hope. Is it a
new beginning?

Sinn Fein will ask all those questions also. When we
have democratically come to a conclusion we will let
you know.

Sinn Fein faces into the future confident and
determined.

_________________________________________________________

>>> Not a solution, but the potential for a solution

-------------------------------------------------------
Brian Campbell assesses the end of an historic phase in
the struggle.
-------------------------------------------------------

No one can doubt the historic nature of events this
week in Castle Buildings at Stormont. Tough,
uncompromising negotiations produced a document which
will now become the focus of much debate in the coming
weeks. Republicans will scrutinise it and assess it
against their objectives.

Speaking this afternoon, after a gruelling week for his
negotiating team, Gerry Adams said:

"For now it is time to draw a breath. It is time to
reflect. Republicans and nationalists will come to this
document with scepticism but also with hope. They will
ask does it offer a chance of a way forward. Is it a
new beginning?"

Republicans always saw this engagement as a phase in
the struggle. As Adams said:

"These negotiations and the new arrangements which
result from them are part of our collective journey
from the failures of the past and towards a future of
equals. We remain absolutely committed to our Irish
republican objectives. We will continue to pursue these
objectives in the months and years ahead."

All these questions should be in republicans' minds as
they study the document. Certainly it is not a
republican wish list but it has positive elements which
must be measured against our short and long term
objectives.

Mitchel McLaughlin, on Friday morning before the final
document appeared, pointed to the main elements of the
document which republicans will study:

"The core issues are British constitutional change, the
proposed nature and power of All-Ireland institutions
and the need to remove the unionist veto in
institutions in all three strands. The issues of
policing and prisoners are also critical.

"As we have always stressed and as other successful
peace processes prove, a comprehensive package on all
issues which removes the causes of conflict is required
to secure a lasting peace."

Gerry Adams made it clear on Friday that the Sinn Fein
negotiating team will go back to the party's Ard
Comhairle who will assess the document in the context
of their peace strategy. "Does it remove the causes of
conflict? Can it be developed and is it transitional?
As in the past we will approach this development in a
positive manner," he said.

Republicans will also be looking back at the
negotiations to find what lessons can be learned from
the intensive engagement with their opponents. In
particular, the final, fraught few days of talks hold
many lessons.

These past days the nature of Unionism has been exposed
once again, confirming that political philosophy's
inherent reactionary nature. Also exposed -- in the
intense heat of the final negotiations -- was the
Unionists' friends in high places in the British
establishment. These are all people who do not wish to
see progressive change in Ireland and who will work
very hard to prevent it.

Right to the bitter end the Unionists stuck to the only
strategy they know, and a strategy which they have
employed since the start of this process. They tried to
prevent meaningful change and they tried to block
republicans at every turn. They fought for the status
quo. And Unionists at the heart of the British
establishment backed them.

Unionist tactics on Tuesday were designed to push the
Mitchell paper in a Unionist direction. By screaming so
publicly about its (secret) contents they hoped to
pressurise the governments into movement. They also
aimed to create a public impression that it was a
nationalist-leaning document, hence making it more
difficult for Sinn Fein or the SDLP to push amendments.

The suspicion is that the UUP's speedy rejection was
pre-planned. Certainly, Trimble's regular meetings with
Tony Blair would have amply prepared him for any shocks
and the document could not have been a surprise for
him.

What must be emphasised is that Mitchell's paper was
"not a green document". Several Sinn Fein spokespersons
said the party had problems with it.

In a significant development, on Tuesday, when the
pressure was on, Alliance came out strongly as
Unionists. John Alderdice supported David Trimble in
his opposition to the Mitchell paper. He didn't spell
out publicly what he objected to but he weighed in on
the Unionist side. With the UUP, UDP and Alliance
rejecting the document as a basis for negotiation, its
"unpicking" began.

What took place was the practical application of the
Unionist veto, supported by influential Unionists in
high places.

Sinn Fein worked absolutely tirelessly in fighting
their corner and all republicans owe a debt of
gratitude to the Sinn Fein talks team for their hard
work and skill over the months. Those who saw it at
first hand were always mightily impressed.

Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness were absolutely right
on Wednesday when, before they met Tony Blair, they
said:

"We are mindful of the Unionist perspective, but on the
core issues of justice, equality and the right of the
people of this island to live together in peace without
division, no British government will face us down.

"This particular generation of Irish republicans will
not be faced down by any British government on any of
the core issues."

On Friday, Gerry Adams summed up the feelings of
republicans when he said:

"Sinn Fein has a vision of the future. Of an Ireland
free from division and conflict. A society in which
there is equality for all citizens. And where all our
people can live together in peace. This can be achieved
in our lifetime. It is this republican vision which has
guided us throughout the years and in particular
through this peace process. Indeed, this weekend
republicans will commemorate the 82nd anniversary of
the 1916 Rising, an event that inspired and continues
to inspire myself and other republicans.

"In commending the men and women Volunteers of that
era, I want also to commend today's IRA Volunteers for
their discipline and commitment.

"While the document produced this morning contains
elements which are positive, there are others yet to be
resolved. So much more has to be done."

_________________________________________________________

>>> IRA Easter message

On this the 82nd Anniversary of the Easter Rising the
leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann extends fraternal
greetings to republican activists, supporters and
friends both at home and abroad and express gratitude
to them for their continued support and invaluable
assistance.

In commemorating the Easter Rising we remember with
pride all those who have given their lives in the
struggle for Irish freedom.

We send solidarity greetings to all our comrades
incarcerated in Irish, English and American prisons and
pledge to them, their families and friends our
continued support. We pay tribute to the men and women
of Oglaigh na hEireann. We applaud their continuing
commitment and discipline.

We take this opportunity to reaffirm our determination
to secure our republican objectives. We remain
committed to ending British rule in Ireland and the
reunification of our country.

On July 20 last, in announcing a complete cessation of
military operations we again demonstrated our
preparedness to enhance the search for a democratic
peace settlement through real and inclusive
negotiations. We commend all those who have lent their
energy to build a negotiations process with a view to
establishing a just and lasting peace. We applaud, in
particular, the efforts of the Sinn Fein leadership and
others who have worked tirelessly towards this goal.

We will carefully study the outcome of the talks
process against it's potential to move us towards our
primary objective, a 32 County democratic, socialist
republic. We will judge it against it's potential to
deliver a just and durable peace to our country.
Conflict in Ireland has been an inevitable consequence
of a refusal by successive British governments to
pursue a democratic settlement. It remains to be seen
if the current British government is prepared to rise
to the challenge. The pursuit of a just settlement
demands no attempt to enforce an internal settlement as
this cannot satisfy republican objectives or deliver a
democratic settlement.

We face the future with the determination that
republican people have shown over the last 30 years.

P O'Neill
Republican Publicity Bureau, Dublin.

-----

--------------------------------------
ø http://home.c2i.net/radioung/ ø
--------------------------------------

-------------------TUT-TUT-----------------
Magne Haagen Flatval Journalist
mflatval@c2i.net Radio RV
-------------------PIP-PIP-------------------