Analysis: Fall of Milosevic filled with irony

From: Knut Rognes (knrognes@online.no)
Date: Fri Oct 06 2000 - 10:50:07 MET DST

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    KK-Fourm,

    en analyse fra UPI, jfr også siste fra IPA på

    http://www.accuracy.org/new.htm

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    Analysis: Fall of Milosevic filled with irony
    Thursday, 5 October 2000 20:53 (ET)
    Analysis: Fall of Milosevic filled with irony
    By MARTIN SIEFF, UPI Senior News Analyst

     WASHINGTON, Oct. 5 (UPI)-- Publicly, the U.S. government is celebrating
    the fall of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic as a great triumph. And it
    looks certain to give Vice President Al Gore a welcome boost as a timely
    foreign policy achievement during the U.S. presidential election campaign.

     But the fall of Milosevic is filled with ironies and new problems for the
    U.S. government. And privately, many senior U.S. officials have for years
    regarded the possible victory of Vojislav Kostunica, the man who toppled
    Milosevic, as a cause for despair rather than rejoicing.

     A year ago, a U.S. official for a quasi-governmental organization working
    in Belgrade told UPI, on condition of anonymity:

     "From our point of view, Kostunica's victory would be the worst possible
    outcome. He would be determined to hold on to the territories seized by
    Milosevic. But unlike Milosevic, he would enjoy strong popular support for
    perhaps several years in power. It could be very difficult for us."

     Indeed, Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
    administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright.

     The U.S. government poured millions of dollars into the Yugoslav
    opposition to Milosevic over the past five years.

     Robert Hayden, director of the Center for Russian and East European
    Studies at the University of Pittsburgh, said in a statement Thursday,
    "Since Milosevic made it impossible for the opposition to have any kind of
    access to internal funding, they had to turn to outside sources."

     However, this allowed Milosevic to portray the fractious, divided
    opposition to the Serbian people as tools of the United States, who would
    allow the nation to be dismembered and left at the mercy of its ancient
    enemies if they took power.

     However, this tactic did not work against Kostunica. He was the one
    prominent figure who did not accept any U.S. money.

     "I know .. Vojislav Kostunica. He's a constitutional lawyer, a Serbian
    patriot, a democrat. ... He's untainted by dealings with either the
    Milosevic regime or the Clinton administration," Hayden said.

     To the puzzlement and then chagrin of U.S. officials, this only served to
    make him the one credible alternative to Milosevic in the eyes of the
    Serbian people.

     Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of Milosevic by
    having him handed over to the International Court of Justice in The Hague,
    capital of the Netherlands, and tried there as a war criminal.

     But Kostunica implacably opposed having Milosevic or any other prominent
    Serb tried as a war criminal, no matter how terrible was their conduct
    during the last nine years of conflict in the fragmented former communist
    federal state.

     He also regularly denounced the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia last year as
    "criminal." This also gave him a popularity credibility all the U.S.-backed
    opposition figures who did not criticize the bombing lacked.

     Stephen Zunes, associate professor of politics at the University of San
    Francisco, said Thursday in a statement, "Change in Eastern Europe has come
    not from the armed force of NATO but from large-scale nonviolent action of
    the subjugated peoples themselves. .. If anything, NATO's bombing last year
    may have set back the growing anti-Milosevic movement."

     Marjorie Cohn, associate professor at the Thomas Jefferson School of Law
    in San Diego, Calif., agreed that Kostunica's strong stance against the
    bombing had contributed greatly to his credibility and popularity in Serbia
    as a leader who would try and defend them from being subjugated by the NATO
    alliance, led by the United States.

     She told Washington's Institute for Public Accuracy on Thursday, "Many
    people in Yugoslavia oppose Milosevic but they also despise NATO, which
    subjected them to a ruthless 11-week bombing campaign (in 1999). .. The long
    term question is who will run Yugoslavia once Milosevic is ousted --
    Kostunica or NATO?"

     Kostunica also flatly opposed granting Kosovo province, with its more than
    90 percent Albanian Muslim majority, any independence from Orthodox
    Christian Serbia.

     In many respects, Kostunica's triumph presents the Clinton administration
    -- and its successor, whether Vice President Al Gore or Texas Gov. George W
    Bush -- with a far trickier problem than Milosevic did.

     U.S. leaders, Republican and Democrat alike, were used to attacking
    Milosevic as if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam Hussein figure.

     They made clear they hoped that a pro-American opposition candidate would
    eventually succeed him and agree to U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and
    Kosovo.

     But Kostunica is not pro-American. He is as virulent a critic of recent
    U.S. policies as Milosevic himself. And he has said he is determined to not
    to give an inch on the Kosovo issue.

     Yet he had nothing to do with Serbian ethnic cleansing activities in
    Kosovo or any previous acts of aggression, mass murder or ethnic cleansing
    in the 1991-95 Bosnia conflict.

     He even opposed the operation of the International Court of Justice in The
    Hague that U.S. officials now believe is essential to serve as a deterrent
    to any future European leaders who might contemplate such massive state
    crimes.

     From Washington's point of view, a Kostunica victory leaves Serbia under
    the control of a tough, implacable nationalist for another political cycle
    and many more years to come.

     It would derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to Yugoslav
    issues on Washington's terms. And it would even remove whatever optimism
    remained before that Milosevic was the only obstacle to the desired U.S.
    outcome because he was standing in the way of the democratic aspirations of
    his own people.

     From the Clinton administration's point of view, the trouble with
    Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to accurately express the
    democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.

     The only trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the Clinton
    administration would like them to be.

    --Copyright 2000 by United Press International.
    All rights reserved.

    Fra: http://www.vny.com/cf/news/upidetail.cfm?QID=125254
    ***************************

    Knut Rognes



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