De prøver også på at gøre op med pamperi og revisionisme, samtidig med at
de vil bryde blokaden.
Og endelig noget demokrati der ligner Pariserkommunens.
Økonomisk ved jeg kun at den private handel er stigende og forsøget på at
gøre landet selvforsynende bedres.
Norge og Øst-tyskland. Ja, drille kan du. Men ret har du jo også lidt.
Forsorg og offentlig service i Norge og Danmark Ok!. Privatejendom og
udbytning - Nej!
DDR - jeg kan ikke finde østtyske arbejdsnormer og lønsystemer i Cuba.
Andre ved måske bedre. Og sikkerhedspolitiet tåler ingen sammenligning.
Det gør ikke Cuba mere socialistisk. Men jeg kan kun se de få punkter fra
Det Kommuniske Manifest opfyldt, plus at man i Cuba prøver at undgå
genrejsning af kapitalismen, eller rettere sagt sammenbrud og total
opkøb!!!
Nedenstående fra en udmærket mand Dan:
REAL Democracy in Cuba
Democracy - REAL democracy - is alive and well in Cuba. Forget the US
State Department's propaganda . . . Since the electoral reforms of the
early 90's - the culmination of more than 100 years of struggle - Cuba
has become perhaps the most democratic society in the world. And unlike
the rich man's "dollar democracy" that we have come to know, it unifies
the people and gives full expression to their collective will. Following
is a description of the institutional means by which this is achieved -
the Cuban electoral process.
My remarks here are based largely on the recent book, "Democracy in Cuba
and the 1997-98 Elections." The author, Arnold August (Canada, 1944), is
the first non-Cuban who has directly attended virtually all the steps of
the contemporary Cuban electoral process. His book is based on many months
of painstaking research, personal observation and interviews in Cuba.
The Municipalities
The Cuban electoral process is a two-step process. The first step is the
election of delegates to the municipal assemblies. Municipalities are not
to be confused with cities or towns. Havana, a city of two million
people, for example, is composed of 15 municipalities. Plazas de la
Revolution is one of these municipalities. It is subdivided into 104
constituencies. One of these, Constituency Number 12, is the basis for an
in-depth case study in August's book. One can walk around this particular
constituency in about 15 minutes. It has a population of about 1,800.
One municipal delegate represents this population.
August also chose another constituency, Constituency Number 43, in the
rural municipality of Abreus in the province of Cienfuegos as the basis of
another case study. One of nine constituencies in Abreus, it is based on
the town Horquitas. This constituency is composed in the main of four
farm cooperatives and has a population of about 5,000. It is represented
by no less than nine delegates to the municipal assembly.
The Nomination and Election of Municipal Delegates
For the purposes of nominating candidates to the municipal assemblies,
constituencies are divided into nomination areas. Constituency Number 12
in Plaza de la Revolution, for example, was divided into seven nomination
areas. There, they correspond roughly to one side of a street in a city
block. Most nomination meetings take place on the street or in local
meeting halls. Anyone can attend, Cubans and foreigners alike. At the
meeting, any registered voter in that constituency can nominate anyone
else residing in there. Those nominating a candidate usually give a brief
explanation of the reason for their choice. Anyone present may speak for
or against a nominee. At the close of nominations, registered voters in
attendance vote by a show of hands. The nominee with the most votes will
be a candidate for the local municipal assembly. In any given
constituency, there will typically be between two and eight candidates for
one or more seats on the municipal assembly. Municipal elections are very
low key affairs. Standardized posters with photographs and a brief
biography of each candidate are simply posted in public places. Money
simply does not enter the picture. It costs nothing to be elected to the
municipal assembly or to any other political office in Cuba for that
matter. Delegates are elected by secret ballot.
The Nomination of Candidates to the Provincial and National Assemblies
Candidates for the provincial and national assemblies are nominated by the
municipal assemblies who, as we have seen, are themselves nominated and
elected by the people in a fair and open process at the "grassroots"
neighbourhood level. This, I believe, is key to the resiliency and
strength of Cuban democracy.
Unlike the delegates to municipal assembly, delegates nominated to the
provincial and national assemblies need not reside in the municipality in
which they are nominated. To get the best candidates, the municipal
assemblies consult with local and national plenums of various mass
organizations who conduct a nation-wide talent search. The municipal
assembly may reject their recommendations in whole or in part. For the
most part, however, they are accepted. Typically, about half the
candidates are already delegates to the municipal assembly.
The Provincial and National Elections and the United Vote
Also, unlike the municipal elections, there is only one candidate
nominated for each seat. Each voter will get a chance to vote for several
candidates for both levels of government and is encouraged to vote for ALL
of them- the so-called "united vote." He or she may vote for none, some
or all of them on a secret ballot. He or she may also secretly turn in a
spoiled or blank ballot to register some kind of protest. These ballots
too are recorded in the official results. Each candidate is required to
get at least 50 percent of the vote to be elected.
Since the candidates may not be known to the voters in an area,
opportunities to meet them and discuss concerns on any issue are organized
by the local electoral commissions. August describes several such
meetings. Typically, these occur at the voter's places of work. As in the
municipal elections, posters with a photograph and a brief biography of
each candidate are posted in public places. There is no "electioneering"
as we know it. Missing are the mudslinging, hate mongering, "promises"
and lies.
The Results of the 1998 Elections
Voter turnout for the Provincial and National election was 98.35 %.
94.45% of those casting an eligible vote did so for ALL candidates - the
so-called united vote.
3.36% of ballots were blank and 1.66% were spoiled.
In 1998, the National Assembly was comprised of 601 delegates. Here is a
breakdown of their various backgrounds (some delegates are counted more
than once as they hold positions in addition to their full-time jobs):
145 workers, peasants, cooperative workers, educators, health service
employees and others directly linked to production and services
26 scientists
7 sports men and women
30 journalists, writers, artists and other cultural workers
35 from the Armed Forces or Ministry of Interior
64 leaders and functionaries of the Communist Party of Cuba or Communist
Youth
56 leaders of mass organizations
41 leaders and functionaries of the state apparatus
173 leaders of local government
90 leaders of the consejos populares
21 administrators or functionaries in the national government
3 religious pastors
Their average age was 45.
28 percent were women.
46 percent of them were originally nominated in the municipal nomination
area assemblies.
Rendering of Accounts and the Right of Recall
Delegates traditionally meet at six-month intervals with their
constituents in small neighbourhood meetings to give an account of them
selves, hear complains, solve problems and discuss various initiatives.
August describes several such meetings which he attended. Topics ranged
from the cost of meals on the lunch wagon at job sights to the
administration of healthcare. As happens from time to time, if
constituents are unsatisfied with their delegate they can recall him or
her and hold another election.
The Election of the Council of State and The President
The National Assembly meets twice a year over its five-year term. Once it
is established, it nominates and elects by secret ballot the 31 member
Council of State including the President (Fidel Castro). The Council of
State represents the National Assembly when it is not in session and is
accountable for its actions to the National Assembly.
Conclusion
Cuba is a REAL democracy. Far from hampering democracy, the lack of an
adversarial, multiparty system based of money was key to building a REAL
people's democracy. As we have seen, the basis of power rests not with
any political party or elite group, but at the "grassroots" neighbourhood
level. Is it any wonder the US government will stop at nothing in its
attempt to crush the Cuban Revolution?
Dan Christensen
-----Oprindelig meddelelse-----
Fra: Mathias Bismo [SMTP:mathias.bismo@student.uib.no]
Sendt: 9. juni 1999 01:00
Til: Klasssekampen Forum
Emne: Det sosialistiske Cuba?
Even S. Underlid spurte:
"Hva blir neste land imperialistmaktene bomber sønder og sammen? Det
sosialistiske Cuba?"
Hvorfor finnes det enkelte på venstresiden som fremdeles mener Cuba er
sosialistisk? Jeg mener forsåvidt at det er bra med et lite land som med
sin retorikk rekker tunge til USA. Men sosialistisk?
Jeg sitter egentlig litt som et slags spørsmålstegn. At amerikanske
kommunister og sosialister ser opp til Cuba er forståelig. Men hvilke
kjennetegn ved Cuba er det som gjør landet sosialistisk. Jeg har spurt
og spurt, men jeg har ikke fått noe utfyllende svar, ihvertfall ikke
svar som skulle tyde på at Norge ikke også er sosialistisk. Eller at
Øst-Tyskland var det. Eller at et hvilket som helst land med et visst
sosialt sikkerhetsnett er det. Jeg har vært Cuba-dyrker selv. Jeg har
aldri vært der, men jeg har vært med i vennskapsforeningen. Men jeg
klarte aldri å finne sosialismen.
Derfor spør jeg Even og andre som mener Cuba er sosialistisk. Hvorfor
det?
--- Mathias